Resumo de The Communist Manifest, By Karl Marx

The Communist
Manifest made humankind step forward. Not towards paradise, but in search of
solution to problems like poverty and work exploitation. Towards the attainment
of the principle that says that all men are equal. And underlining the novelty
that stated that the poor, the little, the exploited can also be subjected to
their own lives. Due to that it is an historical document, witness to the human
being rebellion. Its text, rational, in several passages it?s ironic, hardly
hides that common origin with men and women from other times: the fire that
lighted up the Communists League passion, gathered in London in the 1847, was
no different from the one that inflamed hearts and minds in the battle against
the classic slavery, against the medieval servitude, against the religious
obscurity and against all oppression ways. The Communists League ordered from
Marx and Engels the formulation of a text that clarified its aims and its way
to see the world. Therefore, the Communist Manifest is an affirmative set of
ideas, truths, in which the rebels of the time believed in, for including,
according to them, scientific elements so economics-related for the understanding
of social transformations. The Manifest has a simple structure: a brief
introduction, three chapters and a quick conclusion. The introduction speaks,
with some pride, about the fear that communism causes to the conservatives. The
communism ghost scares the powerful and gathers, in an alliance, all the powers
of the time. It?s the old rival ?satanization?. But the text shows the positive
side to it: the recognition of the communism strength. If it is that scary that
must be because it has some sort of presence, therefore the need to share the
communist way to see the world and explain its objectives, so distorted by
those who didn?t want it. Part I, named Bourgeois and Proletarian, makes a
resume of humankind history until that time, when two opposite social classes
dominate the scenario. The main contribution of this chapter may be the
description of the huge changes that industrial bourgeoisie caused in the
world, playing in history a role essentially revolutionary. With the wisdom of
who handled with skill the socio-economic analysis tools, very original at the
time, Marx and Engels tell the globalization phenomena that bourgeoisie would
bring, globalizing commerce, navigation and the media. The Manifest speaks of
yesterday but it seems to speak of today. The capitalist development sets free
productive strengths never seen, more colossal and varied than in all past
generations all together. The capital dominium that submits work is announced
and makes us think in the present neo-liberal invigorating: in the last 40
years of this 20th century it were produced more objects than in all
previous economical production, since humankind origins. The technological and
scientific revolution that we see, whose icons are the computers and satellites
and whose hegemonic power is the bourgeoisie, it?s nothing but the continuation
of the one described in the Manifest that created bigger wonders than the
pyramids of Egypt, than the roman aqueducts and the gothic cathedrals; it lead
bigger expeditions than the old nations and crusades migrations. A complement
to the bourgeoisie dynamism? Pitiless with the medium sectors of society,
already minority in the more known Europe social hierarchies,
the Manifest comes to be cruel towards the unemployed, the beggars, the
marginalized that might be dragged by a proletarian revolution but, by its life
conditions, it?s predisposed to sell itself to reaction. The relative relation
of the communists? role is the more interesting aspect of Part II, named
Proletarian and Communists. After almost a century of dogmatisms, single
parties and vanguard, bearers of whole truth, it?s healthy to read that the
communist don?t constitute a party on his own, opposite to other proletarian
parties and it doesn?t have any interest in being separated from the
proletariat in general. Although, with no humility, the Manifest concedes the
communists more decision, headway, lucidity and leadership than to other
fractions that seek to represent the proletariat; its aims are held as common:
proletarian organization for the seizure of political power and destruction of
the bourgeoisie?s supremacy. The communist ghost shadowed Europe
and the book seeks to dispute, in that matter, all stigmas that the powerful
and influent classes played above it. The Manifest?s answer: The communists
want to end with all property, including the personal one! Marx and Engels
replied that they wanted to abolish burgess, capitalist property. For the
socialists, the personal overtaking of work fruits and those indispensable
goods to human life were untouchable. To what is known, clothing, shoes,
residence are not profit generators for who possesses it? The Manifest, in that
matter, was definitive. The communism doesn?t withdraw to no one the power to
take over ones? share of social products; it only takes away the power to
enslave someone else?s work through that overtaking. In the capitalist society
education is, by itself, a trade, a profitable activity? The communists want to
socialize women! For the bourgeois, his wife is nothing but a production tool.
Having heard that the production tools would become common, he naturally
concludes that there will be women community. The bourgeois doesn?t suspect that
what it is all about is to provide the woman with one role other than of a
simple production tool.

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